Here it is, verbatim. Feel free to add your own comments. (The publication of this statement does not imply in any sense that I agree with one word of what it says.)
Eric Lee
***
ETUF STATEMENT
Egyptian Trade Union Federation and the leaders of 24 Union from the Abdelmone; Riad on Wednesday 2nd of February 2011 walk On behalf of the workers and peasants that exert their efforts trying to get suitable food to eat and on behalf of the poor and low income classes that represent the majority of great Egyptian Citizens that protect their factories and their farms refusing all the calls of destructions, declare their support for legitimacy and refusing all sorts o destructing for the countries resources.Actually Egyptians workers and poor classes have suffered a lot from the unsuccessful policies that enable hypocrites to gain a lot of money that ETUF have condemned four years ago. This period has witnessed unprecedented conflict among the political parties that fail to make anything except serving their own interests <Within the critical incidents and status quo that Egypt is witnessing from destruction and demolition that leads to frighten the people after the complete stoppage of life and paralyze of all public utilities with a complete absence of security and the opening of prisons and the release of prisoners that overwhelm Egypt and Egyptians with fear and horror .Within this critical and decisive moment Egyptian Trade Union Federation declare their full support for legitimacy for President Hosny Mubarak in unprecedented support as a great leader keen to the interests of his people and his nation. President Mubarak has announced great changes and reforms through the constitutional reforms and his keen interest to prevent Egypt to go to the unknown with his people. All Egyptians Citizens Men Women children old people and young too that make a solid front against those who seize the opportunity like the false call of the political parties and suspicious movements financed from foreign authorities.Peasants and worker's won t accept any violation of constitution.They note very well all what is going on the arena fully aware of the incidents and conspiracies that need to get alerted to surpass this dilemma after the president declaration of his complete support to meet the people demands.All Egyptians workers people farmers are a l vaunt guiarde to protect the workers factories and working sites that have been subject to be targeted as points of destructions.Egyptian Workers are appealing the President and the New Government to drive Egypt to Security again to overcome all conspiracies that meet the interest of our enemiesWe appeal all workers from the entire world to support Egyptian Citizens and help Egyptian workersLong Live EGYPT God will protect Egypt from all conspiracies and plots that attack EgyptHussein MeguawerPresident
Tags:
Permalink Reply by Paul Garver on February 9, 2011 at 23:47 According to a story in today's New York Times Egyptian workers in both the public and private sectors are increasingly demonstrating and striking. When workers are in real motion, the pro-Mubarak ETUF leadership will be totally bypassed and the question of creating a genuine labor federation from the bottom up (perhaps based on the slender beginnings of the GTUWF) will arise.
See http://www.truth-out.org/protest-egypt-takes-a-turn-workers-go-stri...
At least some affiliates of the Tunisian UGTT, which was affiliated to the ITUC, positioned themselves within the framework of the democratic revolt and won substantative victories in the process. See the IUFs coverage of the victory of the foodworkers' federation at Coke Tunisia over abusive sub-contracting to labor agencies at http://cms.iuf.org/?q=node/724
Permalink Reply by peter waterman on February 10, 2011 at 0:07 Paul:
There is surely here another story, that of the relationship of the AFL-CIO to a US state that has been not only totally identified with the Egyptian dictatorship over several decades but also providing the weapons used to kill and mutilate the workers and other citizens over these same decades.
The AFL-CIO is actually a client of the US state insofar as it receives maybe 90 percent of its funding from this source. Its Solidarity Centre has been operating in Egypt for some years (previously maybe under an earlier name). What it seems to me to have been doing here recently is encouraging Egypt and Egyptian unions to establish the kind of unions and industrial relations existing in the industrialised capitalist West. And, unless you can provide contrary evidence (which I would be fascinated to see), failing to attack the US state that has approved of, praised, funded and armed a now nearly naked king.
Encouraging unions and states in the global south to established a liberal-democratic capitalist institutionality and ideology ('social partnership', 'decent work') would seem to me to impose on them a model which is either failing or dying in the Northwest of the world. This seems to me the height of Western arrogance and self-righteousness that, willy-nilly, can today be only functional to the core states and corporations of the capitalist world.
I would not myself today accuse the US unions of 'trade union imperialism' since what they seem to have been practicing, through the state-dependent client Solidarity Centre is the traditional West European model of Eurocentred and paternalistic liberalism (for which see the recent book on the ITUC's forerunner, the ICFTU, entitled 'Liberal Workers of the World, Unite?').
The heroic uprising of the Egyptian people, workers, peasants and the democratic part of its middle class, should be not only the occasion of immediate and effective support for them but for a rethinking of the concept of international labour solidarity and of a global labour movement fit for (and against) a 21st century capitalism - whether US, European, Chinese or Brazilian.
Or not?
Paul Garver said:
According to a story in today's New York Times Egyptian workers in both the public and private sectors are increasingly demonstrating and striking. When workers are in real motion, the pro-Mubarak ETUF leadership will be totally bypassed and the question of creating a genuine labor federation from the bottom up (perhaps based on the slender beginnings of the GTUWF) will arise.
See http://www.truth-out.org/protest-egypt-takes-a-turn-workers-go-stri...
At least some affiliates of the Tunisian UGTT, which was affiliated to the ITUC, positioned themselves within the framework of the democratic revolt and won substantative victories in the process. See the IUFs coverage of the victory of the foodworkers' federation at Coke Tunisia over abusive sub-contracting to labor agencies at http://cms.iuf.org/?q=node/724
Permalink Reply by Paul Garver on February 10, 2011 at 1:39 Hello Peter,
1. Is the AFL-CIO a client of the US state that receives 90% of its funding from that source?
Of course it does not received 90% of its funding from state sources. Its income is derived overwhelmingly from the affiliation fees of its member unions. (There are in fact many so-called labor federations in the world that do receive almost all of their income from the state).
What is true is that almost all of the funding for the Solidarity Center comes from the tax-funded National Endowment for Democracy. Roughly equal percentages of U.S. tax money go to institutes controlled by the Democratic Party, Republican Party and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. This is not too different from the ways that German tax money is apportioned to foundations controlled by the various political parties.
The AFL-CIO is no more or less a client of the US state than the Norwegian, Swedish, German, Dutch, Danish labor federations are of their respective governments. The percentage of international labor development work that is funded by tax-based sources is somewhat lower in the Nordic states, Belgium, Germany and Ireland for various historical reasons, and relative access to other sources of funding. This is a good thing, which means that there is always some funding for more confrontational anti-capitalist programs. The IUF, for which I worked for 15 years, has been able to secure enough funding from LO Norway, the Swedish and Danish union controlled funds, the FNV, etc. to fund organizing programs in transnational companies. In principle and practice it did not seek funding from the Solidarity Center's predecessor organizations, which were indeed too linked to the Cold War and to US foreign policy goals.
But the current work of the AFL-CIO's Solidarity Center is run by different people on different principles. There is in fact only minimal interference from the U.S. government in selecting personnel or developing programs. So far as I can tell, all current Solidarity Center programs are committed to encouraging the development of autonomous worker-controlled labor unions. Egypt and Tunisia are no exceptions. In this respect the Solidairty Center today operates along lines that are approximately those of the international union development work of the major European federations. The AFL-CIO is no longer the rogue maverick that it was rightly criticized for well into the 1990s.
Of course your real quarrel may be with the generally social democratic and reformist current that dominates the AFL-CIO as well as most of the affiliates of the ITUC and of most of the Global Union Federations. But you should consider the fact that many major social movement unions that were the hope of the world left (COSATU. CUT. the Korean KTUC, etc.) have chosen to work within the overall framework of the Global Unions.
I mmself was rather impressed that the ITUC video calling for the day of solidarity with Egyptian workers included not only the American, Japanese and European unions, but speakers from COSATU and other legitimate federations from the developing world,along with the Palestinian and Moroccan federations. We might hope that our unions had more effective means of mobilizing their memberships for international solidarity. But Peter, these are no longer the 1980s. We are far from globalized worker solidarity, but most of our labor movements are now trying to move in the right direction. I also love to invoke revoloutionary transformation, but let us welcome small steps.
peter waterman said:
Paul:
There is surely here another story, that of the relationship of the AFL-CIO to a US state that has been not only totally identified with the Egyptian dictatorship over several decades but also providing the weapons used to kill and mutilate the workers and other citizens over these same decades.
The AFL-CIO is actually a client of the US state insofar as it receives maybe 90 percent of its funding from this source. Its Solidarity Centre has been operating in Egypt for some years (previously maybe under an earlier name). What it seems to me to have been doing here recently is encouraging Egypt and Egyptian unions to establish the kind of unions and industrial relations existing in the industrialised capitalist West. And, unless you can provide contrary evidence (which I would be fascinated to see), failing to attack the US state that has approved of, praised, funded and armed a now nearly naked king.
Encouraging unions and states in the global south to established a liberal-democratic capitalist institutionality and ideology ('social partnership', 'decent work') would seem to me to impose on them a model which is either failing or dying in the Northwest of the world. This seems to me the height of Western arrogance and self-righteousness that, willy-nilly, can today be only functional to the core states and corporations of the capitalist world.
I would not myself today accuse the US unions of 'trade union imperialism' since what they seem to have been practicing, through the state-dependent client Solidarity Centre is the traditional West European model of Eurocentred and paternalistic liberalism (for which see the recent book on the ITUC's forerunner, the ICFTU, entitled 'Liberal Workers of the World, Unite?').
The heroic uprising of the Egyptian people, workers, peasants and the democratic part of its middle class, should be not only the occasion of immediate and effective support for them but for a rethinking of the concept of international labour solidarity and of a global labour movement fit for (and against) a 21st century capitalism - whether US, European, Chinese or Brazilian.
Or not?
Paul Garver said:
According to a story in today's New York Times Egyptian workers in both the public and private sectors are increasingly demonstrating and striking. When workers are in real motion, the pro-Mubarak ETUF leadership will be totally bypassed and the question of creating a genuine labor federation from the bottom up (perhaps based on the slender beginnings of the GTUWF) will arise.
See http://www.truth-out.org/protest-egypt-takes-a-turn-workers-go-stri...
At least some affiliates of the Tunisian UGTT, which was affiliated to the ITUC, positioned themselves within the framework of the democratic revolt and won substantative victories in the process. See the IUFs coverage of the victory of the foodworkers' federation at Coke Tunisia over abusive sub-contracting to labor agencies at http://cms.iuf.org/?q=node/724
Permalink Reply by peter waterman on February 10, 2011 at 13:50 Hello Peter,
1. Is the AFL-CIO a client of the US state that receives 90% of its funding from that source?
Of course it does not received 90% of its funding from state sources. Its income is derived overwhelmingly from the affiliation fees of its member unions. (There are in fact many so-called labor federations in the world that do receive almost all of their income from the state).
What is true is that almost all of the funding for the Solidarity Center comes from the tax-funded National Endowment for Democracy. Roughly equal percentages of U.S. tax money go to institutes controlled by the Democratic Party, Republican Party and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. This is not too different from the ways that German tax money is apportioned to foundations controlled by the various political parties.
The AFL-CIO is no more or less a client of the US state than the Norwegian, Swedish, German, Dutch, Danish labor federations are of their respective governments. The percentage of international labor development work that is funded by tax-based sources is somewhat lower in the Nordic states, Belgium, Germany and Ireland for various historical reasons, and relative access to other sources of funding. This is a good thing, which means that there is always some funding for more confrontational anti-capitalist programs. The IUF, for which I worked for 15 years, has been able to secure enough funding from LO Norway, the Swedish and Danish union controlled funds, the FNV, etc. to fund organizing programs in transnational companies. In principle and practice it did not seek funding from the Solidarity Center's predecessor organizations, which were indeed too linked to the Cold War and to US foreign policy goals.
But the current work of the AFL-CIO's Solidarity Center is run by different people on different principles. There is in fact only minimal interference from the U.S. government in selecting personnel or developing programs. So far as I can tell, all current Solidarity Center programs are committed to encouraging the development of autonomous worker-controlled labor unions. Egypt and Tunisia are no exceptions. In this respect the Solidairty Center today operates along lines that are approximately those of the international union development work of the major European federations. The AFL-CIO is no longer the rogue maverick that it was rightly criticized for well into the 1990s.
Of course your real quarrel may be with the generally social democratic and reformist current that dominates the AFL-CIO as well as most of the affiliates of the ITUC and of most of the Global Union Federations. But you should consider the fact that many major social movement unions that were the hope of the world left (COSATU. CUT. the Korean KTUC, etc.) have chosen to work within the overall framework of the Global Unions.
I mmself was rather impressed that the ITUC video calling for the day of solidarity with Egyptian workers included not only the American, Japanese and European unions, but speakers from COSATU and other legitimate federations from the developing world,along with the Palestinian and Moroccan federations. We might hope that our unions had more effective means of mobilizing their memberships for international solidarity. But Peter, these are no longer the 1980s. We are far from globalized worker solidarity, but most of our labor movements are now trying to move in the right direction. I also love to invoke revoloutionary transformation, but let us welcome small steps.
peter waterman said:Paul:
There is surely here another story, that of the relationship of the AFL-CIO to a US state that has been not only totally identified with the Egyptian dictatorship over several decades but also providing the weapons used to kill and mutilate the workers and other citizens over these same decades.
The AFL-CIO is actually a client of the US state insofar as it receives maybe 90 percent of its funding from this source. Its Solidarity Centre has been operating in Egypt for some years (previously maybe under an earlier name). What it seems to me to have been doing here recently is encouraging Egypt and Egyptian unions to establish the kind of unions and industrial relations existing in the industrialised capitalist West. And, unless you can provide contrary evidence (which I would be fascinated to see), failing to attack the US state that has approved of, praised, funded and armed a now nearly naked king.
Encouraging unions and states in the global south to established a liberal-democratic capitalist institutionality and ideology ('social partnership', 'decent work') would seem to me to impose on them a model which is either failing or dying in the Northwest of the world. This seems to me the height of Western arrogance and self-righteousness that, willy-nilly, can today be only functional to the core states and corporations of the capitalist world.
I would not myself today accuse the US unions of 'trade union imperialism' since what they seem to have been practicing, through the state-dependent client Solidarity Centre is the traditional West European model of Eurocentred and paternalistic liberalism (for which see the recent book on the ITUC's forerunner, the ICFTU, entitled 'Liberal Workers of the World, Unite?').
The heroic uprising of the Egyptian people, workers, peasants and the democratic part of its middle class, should be not only the occasion of immediate and effective support for them but for a rethinking of the concept of international labour solidarity and of a global labour movement fit for (and against) a 21st century capitalism - whether US, European, Chinese or Brazilian.
Or not?
Paul Garver said:
According to a story in today's New York Times Egyptian workers in both the public and private sectors are increasingly demonstrating and striking. When workers are in real motion, the pro-Mubarak ETUF leadership will be totally bypassed and the question of creating a genuine labor federation from the bottom up (perhaps based on the slender beginnings of the GTUWF) will arise.
See http://www.truth-out.org/protest-egypt-takes-a-turn-workers-go-stri...
At least some affiliates of the Tunisian UGTT, which was affiliated to the ITUC, positioned themselves within the framework of the democratic revolt and won substantative victories in the process. See the IUFs coverage of the victory of the foodworkers' federation at Coke Tunisia over abusive sub-contracting to labor agencies at http://cms.iuf.org/?q=node/724
Permalink Reply by peter waterman on February 10, 2011 at 15:04 Paul:
Thank you for your civil response, bearing in mind my bloomer at the beginning of my piece. I had, of course, meant to talk of the AFL-CIO's international activities - something the bulk of my note and your response concentrate on.
As for what you do substantially argue concerning the Solidarity Centre (ACILS):
1. If the ACILS now operates on new principles, these do not include either a public break with a 'maverick' past nor operation with the full openness that surely should follow its past collaboration with the US security apparatus in the destruction of independent unions and overthrow of elected governments. Thus for the 90% state funding one has to look not at the ACILS website but the accounts of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED)! The ACILS might have adopted the Eurocentred union practice of union development cooperation, but is surprising coy in providing information about even these presumably virtuous activities. Thus, in Peru right now, I hear of extensive ACILS union education and other operations but can find nothing about these on the ACILS website, in the Peruvian media or, for that matter, by a search on Google in Spanish. Indeed, I cannot even find a phone number or address for such. So I consider the argument that ACILS now operates on the European social-democratic union model in its international activities somewhat disingenuous.
2. Yes, obviously I am also openly criticising the Eurocentric model of trade unionism, particularly though not only in its export to the Global South. Indeed, I find the exchange of models between Western Europe and North America (the 'organisational model' from West to East, the 'union development cooperation model' from East to West) an indication of shared weaknesses, rather than a common surpassing of models that have witnessed a historical crisis of the common pattern in the face of a capitalism that has traded in 'social partnership' for crude class warfare.
3. I am not sure whether you should bury 'a global social movement unionism' before it is dead. Or before it has moved from the periphery of unionism to its centre. The notion of an alliance of common interest, common ideals, common demands, based on relations of dialogue and equality between trade unions and radical-democratic social movements raises its head in crisis situations locally, nationally and globally. I could provide examples from Toronto in Canada, from the World Social Forum (taking place with the significant presence of the ITUC in Dakar as I write) and...from the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt! On the other hand, the abandonment of such in the Brazilian CUT or South African Cosatu cases, although not predicted by myself in 1998 (my 'Globalisation, Social Movements and the New Internationalisms' was at least in some sense warned against in my chapter 'Beyond Westocentrism: New World, New Unions, New Labour Internationalisms?'. Whatever I may myself have written, however, 'social movement unionism' or the 'new social unionism' continues to be a matter of global dialogue and of political practice. (125,000 googles at present, of which not more than half can possibly be mine...or yours?).
3. Did I engage in revolutionary rhetoric in my piece? I hope not. Although I have great respect for this as it comes out of worker movements, labour support centres and unions, as in the Tunisian and Egyptian at this moment, I argue for the surpassing of the rhetoric and practice of both Revolution and Reform (and the setting up of these sclerotic 19th-20th century twins as a Manichean opposition and as occupying all space for labour movement choice). I favour thinking in terms of Emancipation - a rather old social/ist movement ideal - which now needs to be extended from Slaves, Colonials, Workers or Women, to humankind as a whole. Given the increasingly catastrophic nature of capitalism, for all of these, for nature and even the biosphere, it does seem to me we are condemned either to being utopian or to fiddling (a very junior social partnership with capital, state and the ILO, decent work for decent capitalists under a decent capitalism) while the world burns.
Finally, Paul, I do welcome your presence in this equal and open space, in which it is possible for labour activists globally to reflect on the implications of such matters as the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings. And I wait to see what these unpredicted uprisings will teach the Eurocentred ITUC/Global Unions and the US-centred AFL-CIO and its so-called Solidarity Centre. Because, after all, we can have no meaninful global solidarity if the lessons only flow on the North-South axis and a North-South direction.
Hoping I have not here committed the errors of omission or comission that might have been in my previous piece.
peter waterman said:
Paul Garver said:
Hello Peter,
1. Is the AFL-CIO a client of the US state that receives 90% of its funding from that source?
Of course it does not received 90% of its funding from state sources. Its income is derived overwhelmingly from the affiliation fees of its member unions. (There are in fact many so-called labor federations in the world that do receive almost all of their income from the state).
What is true is that almost all of the funding for the Solidarity Center comes from the tax-funded National Endowment for Democracy. Roughly equal percentages of U.S. tax money go to institutes controlled by the Democratic Party, Republican Party and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. This is not too different from the ways that German tax money is apportioned to foundations controlled by the various political parties.
The AFL-CIO is no more or less a client of the US state than the Norwegian, Swedish, German, Dutch, Danish labor federations are of their respective governments. The percentage of international labor development work that is funded by tax-based sources is somewhat lower in the Nordic states, Belgium, Germany and Ireland for various historical reasons, and relative access to other sources of funding. This is a good thing, which means that there is always some funding for more confrontational anti-capitalist programs. The IUF, for which I worked for 15 years, has been able to secure enough funding from LO Norway, the Swedish and Danish union controlled funds, the FNV, etc. to fund organizing programs in transnational companies. In principle and practice it did not seek funding from the Solidarity Center's predecessor organizations, which were indeed too linked to the Cold War and to US foreign policy goals.
But the current work of the AFL-CIO's Solidarity Center is run by different people on different principles. There is in fact only minimal interference from the U.S. government in selecting personnel or developing programs. So far as I can tell, all current Solidarity Center programs are committed to encouraging the development of autonomous worker-controlled labor unions. Egypt and Tunisia are no exceptions. In this respect the Solidairty Center today operates along lines that are approximately those of the international union development work of the major European federations. The AFL-CIO is no longer the rogue maverick that it was rightly criticized for well into the 1990s.
Of course your real quarrel may be with the generally social democratic and reformist current that dominates the AFL-CIO as well as most of the affiliates of the ITUC and of most of the Global Union Federations. But you should consider the fact that many major social movement unions that were the hope of the world left (COSATU. CUT. the Korean KTUC, etc.) have chosen to work within the overall framework of the Global Unions.
I mmself was rather impressed that the ITUC video calling for the day of solidarity with Egyptian workers included not only the American, Japanese and European unions, but speakers from COSATU and other legitimate federations from the developing world,along with the Palestinian and Moroccan federations. We might hope that our unions had more effective means of mobilizing their memberships for international solidarity. But Peter, these are no longer the 1980s. We are far from globalized worker solidarity, but most of our labor movements are now trying to move in the right direction. I also love to invoke revoloutionary transformation, but let us welcome small steps.
peter waterman said:Paul:
There is surely here another story, that of the relationship of the AFL-CIO to a US state that has been not only totally identified with the Egyptian dictatorship over several decades but also providing the weapons used to kill and mutilate the workers and other citizens over these same decades.
The AFL-CIO is actually a client of the US state insofar as it receives maybe 90 percent of its funding from this source. Its Solidarity Centre has been operating in Egypt for some years (previously maybe under an earlier name). What it seems to me to have been doing here recently is encouraging Egypt and Egyptian unions to establish the kind of unions and industrial relations existing in the industrialised capitalist West. And, unless you can provide contrary evidence (which I would be fascinated to see), failing to attack the US state that has approved of, praised, funded and armed a now nearly naked king.
Encouraging unions and states in the global south to established a liberal-democratic capitalist institutionality and ideology ('social partnership', 'decent work') would seem to me to impose on them a model which is either failing or dying in the Northwest of the world. This seems to me the height of Western arrogance and self-righteousness that, willy-nilly, can today be only functional to the core states and corporations of the capitalist world.
I would not myself today accuse the US unions of 'trade union imperialism' since what they seem to have been practicing, through the state-dependent client Solidarity Centre is the traditional West European model of Eurocentred and paternalistic liberalism (for which see the recent book on the ITUC's forerunner, the ICFTU, entitled 'Liberal Workers of the World, Unite?').
The heroic uprising of the Egyptian people, workers, peasants and the democratic part of its middle class, should be not only the occasion of immediate and effective support for them but for a rethinking of the concept of international labour solidarity and of a global labour movement fit for (and against) a 21st century capitalism - whether US, European, Chinese or Brazilian.
Or not?
Paul Garver said:
According to a story in today's New York Times Egyptian workers in both the public and private sectors are increasingly demonstrating and striking. When workers are in real motion, the pro-Mubarak ETUF leadership will be totally bypassed and the question of creating a genuine labor federation from the bottom up (perhaps based on the slender beginnings of the GTUWF) will arise.
See http://www.truth-out.org/protest-egypt-takes-a-turn-workers-go-stri...
At least some affiliates of the Tunisian UGTT, which was affiliated to the ITUC, positioned themselves within the framework of the democratic revolt and won substantative victories in the process. See the IUFs coverage of the victory of the foodworkers' federation at Coke Tunisia over abusive sub-contracting to labor agencies at http://cms.iuf.org/?q=node/724
Permalink Reply by Paul Garver on February 10, 2011 at 16:14 Hello Peter,
To begin with Peru, I know as little as you do. But a quick look at the ACILS website showed me an excellent report on the denial of worker rights in Peru (at http://www.solidaritycenter.org/files/policybrief_peru.pdf) and the news item that on 12 May 2010 the ACILS signed a three year agreement with US AID for funding a program to strengthen unions in Peru. It would be a bit unusual to read detailed reports on a program that has just begun.
On your fundamental point about information, I fully agree. The ACILS is required to file periodic reports to its funding organizations that are not routinely made available to other interested persons. Not that these are likely to provide exciting revelations if made public (any more than the IUFs reports to its donor organizations in Europe would!). I see no fundamental reason why these reports should not be in the public domain. The biggest drawback I see is that right-wing opponents of unions in developing countries might want to use the information to target trade union leaders. However I understand that the ACILS reports to the NED, etc. do not include sensitive information that could be abused for that purpose (or for that matter by hostile elements in the US government, pace Kim Scipes.
On the other fundamental issue of funding, it is indeed a problem that almost all ACILS funding comes from the US government. You will note on the ACILS website that it solicits contributions, but this does not raise much independent money. Nor is it likely that cash-starved US unions will voluntarily raise their AFL-CIO dues to lessen dependence on US government funds for international labor work. I like the CAW (Canadian Auto Workers) model of negotiating for solidarity funds in collective bargaining agreenments. Unfortunately we do not have the Hans-Boeckler option of recieving funding from fees paid to works council directors of companies in Germany).
But I will return to this issue.
pete waterman said:
Paul:
Thank you for your civil response, bearing in mind my bloomer at the beginning of my piece. I had, of course, meant to talk of the AFL-CIO's international activities - something the bulk of my note and your response concentrate on.
As for what you do substantially argue concerning the Solidarity Centre (ACILS):
1. If the ACILS now operates on new principles, these do not include either a public break with a 'maverick' past nor operation with the full openness that surely should follow its past collaboration with the US security apparatus in the destruction of independent unions and overthrow of elected governments. Thus for the 90% state funding one has to look not at the ACILS website but the accounts of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED)! The ACILS might have adopted the Eurocentred union practice of union development cooperation, but is surprising coy in providing information about even these presumably virtuous activities. Thus, in Peru right now, I hear of extensive ACILS union education and other operations but can find nothing about these on the ACILS website, in the Peruvian media or, for that matter, by a search on Google in Spanish. Indeed, I cannot even find a phone number or address for such. So I consider the argument that ACILS now operates on the European social-democratic union model in its international activities somewhat disingenuous.
2. Yes, obviously I am also openly criticising the Eurocentric model of trade unionism, particularly though not only in its export to the Global South. Indeed, I find the exchange of models between Western Europe and North America (the 'organisational model' from West to East, the 'union development cooperation model' from East to West) an indication of shared weaknesses, rather than a common surpassing of models that have witnessed a historical crisis of the common pattern in the face of a capitalism that has traded in 'social partnership' for crude class warfare.
3. I am not sure whether you should bury 'a global social movement unionism' before it is dead. Or before it has moved from the periphery of unionism to its centre. The notion of an alliance of common interest, common ideals, common demands, based on relations of dialogue and equality between trade unions and radical-democratic social movements raises its head in crisis situations locally, nationally and globally. I could provide examples from Toronto in Canada, from the World Social Forum (taking place with the significant presence of the ITUC in Dakar as I write) and...from the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt! On the other hand, the abandonment of such in the Brazilian CUT or South African Cosatu cases, although not predicted by myself in 1998 (my 'Globalisation, Social Movements and the New Internationalisms' was at least in some sense warned against in my chapter 'Beyond Westocentrism: New World, New Unions, New Labour Internationalisms?'. Whatever I may myself have written, however, 'social movement unionism' or the 'new social unionism' continues to be a matter of global dialogue and of political practice. (125,000 googles at present, of which not more than half can possibly be mine...or yours?).
3. Did I engage in revolutionary rhetoric in my piece? I hope not. Although I have great respect for this as it comes out of worker movements, labour support centres and unions, as in the Tunisian and Egyptian at this moment, I argue for the surpassing of the rhetoric and practice of both Revolution and Reform (and the setting up of these sclerotic 19th-20th century twins as a Manichean opposition and as occupying all space for labour movement choice). I favour thinking in terms of Emancipation - a rather old social/ist movement ideal - which now needs to be extended from Slaves, Colonials, Workers or Women, to humankind as a whole. Given the increasingly catastrophic nature of capitalism, for all of these, for nature and even the biosphere, it does seem to me we are condemned either to being utopian or to fiddling (a very junior social partnership with capital, state and the ILO, decent work for decent capitalists under a decent capitalism) while the world burns.
Finally, Paul, I do welcome your presence in this equal and open space, in which it is possible for labour activists globally to reflect on the implications of such matters as the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings. And I wait to see what these unpredicted uprisings will teach the Eurocentred ITUC/Global Unions and the US-centred AFL-CIO and its so-called Solidarity Centre. Because, after all, we can have no meaninful global solidarity if the lessons only flow on the North-South axis and a North-South direction.Hoping I have not here committed the errors of omission or comission that might have been in my previous piece.
peter waterman said:
Paul Garver said:Hello Peter,
1. Is the AFL-CIO a client of the US state that receives 90% of its funding from that source?
Of course it does not received 90% of its funding from state sources. Its income is derived overwhelmingly from the affiliation fees of its member unions. (There are in fact many so-called labor federations in the world that do receive almost all of their income from the state).
What is true is that almost all of the funding for the Solidarity Center comes from the tax-funded National Endowment for Democracy. Roughly equal percentages of U.S. tax money go to institutes controlled by the Democratic Party, Republican Party and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. This is not too different from the ways that German tax money is apportioned to foundations controlled by the various political parties.
The AFL-CIO is no more or less a client of the US state than the Norwegian, Swedish, German, Dutch, Danish labor federations are of their respective governments. The percentage of international labor development work that is funded by tax-based sources is somewhat lower in the Nordic states, Belgium, Germany and Ireland for various historical reasons, and relative access to other sources of funding. This is a good thing, which means that there is always some funding for more confrontational anti-capitalist programs. The IUF, for which I worked for 15 years, has been able to secure enough funding from LO Norway, the Swedish and Danish union controlled funds, the FNV, etc. to fund organizing programs in transnational companies. In principle and practice it did not seek funding from the Solidarity Center's predecessor organizations, which were indeed too linked to the Cold War and to US foreign policy goals.
But the current work of the AFL-CIO's Solidarity Center is run by different people on different principles. There is in fact only minimal interference from the U.S. government in selecting personnel or developing programs. So far as I can tell, all current Solidarity Center programs are committed to encouraging the development of autonomous worker-controlled labor unions. Egypt and Tunisia are no exceptions. In this respect the Solidairty Center today operates along lines that are approximately those of the international union development work of the major European federations. The AFL-CIO is no longer the rogue maverick that it was rightly criticized for well into the 1990s.
Of course your real quarrel may be with the generally social democratic and reformist current that dominates the AFL-CIO as well as most of the affiliates of the ITUC and of most of the Global Union Federations. But you should consider the fact that many major social movement unions that were the hope of the world left (COSATU. CUT. the Korean KTUC, etc.) have chosen to work within the overall framework of the Global Unions.
I mmself was rather impressed that the ITUC video calling for the day of solidarity with Egyptian workers included not only the American, Japanese and European unions, but speakers from COSATU and other legitimate federations from the developing world,along with the Palestinian and Moroccan federations. We might hope that our unions had more effective means of mobilizing their memberships for international solidarity. But Peter, these are no longer the 1980s. We are far from globalized worker solidarity, but most of our labor movements are now trying to move in the right direction. I also love to invoke revoloutionary transformation, but let us welcome small steps.
peter waterman said:Paul:
There is surely here another story, that of the relationship of the AFL-CIO to a US state that has been not only totally identified with the Egyptian dictatorship over several decades but also providing the weapons used to kill and mutilate the workers and other citizens over these same decades.
The AFL-CIO is actually a client of the US state insofar as it receives maybe 90 percent of its funding from this source. Its Solidarity Centre has been operating in Egypt for some years (previously maybe under an earlier name). What it seems to me to have been doing here recently is encouraging Egypt and Egyptian unions to establish the kind of unions and industrial relations existing in the industrialised capitalist West. And, unless you can provide contrary evidence (which I would be fascinated to see), failing to attack the US state that has approved of, praised, funded and armed a now nearly naked king.
Encouraging unions and states in the global south to established a liberal-democratic capitalist institutionality and ideology ('social partnership', 'decent work') would seem to me to impose on them a model which is either failing or dying in the Northwest of the world. This seems to me the height of Western arrogance and self-righteousness that, willy-nilly, can today be only functional to the core states and corporations of the capitalist world.
I would not myself today accuse the US unions of 'trade union imperialism' since what they seem to have been practicing, through the state-dependent client Solidarity Centre is the traditional West European model of Eurocentred and paternalistic liberalism (for which see the recent book on the ITUC's forerunner, the ICFTU, entitled 'Liberal Workers of the World, Unite?').
The heroic uprising of the Egyptian people, workers, peasants and the democratic part of its middle class, should be not only the occasion of immediate and effective support for them but for a rethinking of the concept of international labour solidarity and of a global labour movement fit for (and against) a 21st century capitalism - whether US, European, Chinese or Brazilian.
Or not?
Paul Garver said:
According to a story in today's New York Times Egyptian workers in both the public and private sectors are increasingly demonstrating and striking. When workers are in real motion, the pro-Mubarak ETUF leadership will be totally bypassed and the question of creating a genuine labor federation from the bottom up (perhaps based on the slender beginnings of the GTUWF) will arise.
See http://www.truth-out.org/protest-egypt-takes-a-turn-workers-go-stri...
At least some affiliates of the Tunisian UGTT, which was affiliated to the ITUC, positioned themselves within the framework of the democratic revolt and won substantative victories in the process. See the IUFs coverage of the victory of the foodworkers' federation at Coke Tunisia over abusive sub-contracting to labor agencies at http://cms.iuf.org/?q=node/724
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